By Ferran Requejo
This ebook addresses the democratic lodging of nationwide pluralism via federal principles. the most important query is: can federalism be a good and possible manner of articulating multinational societies based on revised liberal-democratic styles? lately, scholarly dialogue in this factor has passed through a transformation. these days, the reply to this query is far extra complicated than the person who conventional political liberalism and federalism used to provide us. some time past, those political ways frequently addressed the query of political pluralism with no heavily together with nationwide pluralism within the dialogue, a theoretical perspective that has frequently misrepresented and impoverished the ethical discussions and the institutional practices of firm democratic federations. Multinational Federalism and cost Pluralism has been provided the prize for the simplest e-book in 2005 by means of the Spanish Political technology organization (AECPA).
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Additional resources for Multinational Federalism and Value Pluralism: The Spanish Case (Regional and Federal Studies Series)
The presence of these national minorities was still seen by most people as an anti-modernist element and as an example of the lack of a sense of progress in the elite of the national minority. However, the fact that many of these national minorities were to be found in some of the most consolidated democracies in the world probably contributed to the idea that other solutions were necessary in order to guarantee the stability of the states where different national groups with their own nation-building projects coexisted.
Rawls, Habermas and multinational democracies: some analytical remarks Both Rawls and Habermas may be included in the paradigm of democratic liberalism. But each does so from the two different components of the expression: liberalism in Rawls’ case, and the democratic tradition in Habermas’s case. A fact that is not ‘neutral’ when one attempts to establish normative ‘foundations’ for liberal democracies or to regulate different types of pluralism. Both authors defend a contractualist and procedural conception that establishes that liberal-democratic legitimacy should be based on the consent of the citizens exercised from individualist bases.
Following Rawls’ perspective, for example, the consideration of the territorial division of powers will be closer to the logic of subsidiarity than to the logic of federalism (see Chapter 3; see also Requejo 1998a). In fact, Rawls’ conception is not necessarily conceived from the point of view of federal suppositions, and even less from the point of view of multinational federations. In this case, in the regulation of territorial questions, Rawls’ well-ordered society will fulfil ‘pragmatic’ criteria of efficiency and ‘moral’ criteria of unitarian democratic logic, rather than ‘ethical’ criteria of the defence and promotion of specific national groups that do not coincide with the hegemonic groups of the state.