By Norbert Tapiéro
Le manuel d'arabe algerien moderne est organise en 30 lecons comportant chacune - hormis les three premieres qui servent d'introduction - texte, vocabulaire, grammaire, exercices de dialog et d'application, et topic. Meme si, a chaque debut de lecon, le texte en caracteres latins est precede de son similar en caracteres arabes, il n'est pas essential au lecteur de se preoccuper de l'acquisition de cet alphabet, l. a. methode etant fondee sur l. a. transcription phonetique. Un very important glossaire et 15 dialogues entre Maghrebins sur los angeles vie des immigres permettent a l'apprenant de se familiariser avec le vocabulaire moderne. Un CD audio accompagne le manuel.
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Extra resources for Manuel d'Arabe Algérien Moderne: Supplément de 15 Dialogues avec Traduction
The answer goes back to the signiﬁcance of norms, interaction and learning in international politics. Democratization has become so central to the legitimation strategies and public diplomacy of de facto states because, in the post-Cold War era, in which most de facto states were formed, democratization in its wider sense has become associated with good governance and recognition of new states. Secession and democracy in the post-Cold War order The rise of democratization as a standard of good governance and a de facto (and even de jure) precondition for recognition of new states is the result of a wider transition in international politics – the growing prevalence of the understanding that recognition of new states should be based, at least partly, on their potential governance capability.
87 Hence, a sense of crisis may provide an opportunity for agents of change to aﬀect government policy. Modelling the manner in which norm-violating governments may embrace international norms and ameliorate their behaviour, Risse and Kathryn Sikkink have added one more element to Risse’s earlier argument: the manner in which actors view themselves and the international community. As they maintain: The very idea of “proper” behaviour presupposes a community able to pass judgement on appropriateness … People sometimes follow norms because they want others to think well of them, and because they want to Understanding de facto states 31 think well of themselves … People’s ability to think well of themselves is inﬂuenced by norms held by relevant community of actors … Human rights norms have a special status because they both prescribe rules for appropriate behaviour, and help deﬁne identities of liberal states.
Therefore, the establishment of a de facto state unavoidably means a greater concern with legitimation and the pursuit of international legitimacy. But why is delegitimation considered such a risk? What are the implications of the absence of recognition and international legitimacy? Why are actors so keen to secure legitimacy? To take de facto states as an extreme case of illegitimacy in international politics, the answer is that non-recognition means that such actors have limited access to aid from international organizations and are unable to enter into formal trade contracts with other states, or even export their products.