Formal Properties of Measurement Constructions by Nakanishi, Kimiko

By Nakanishi, Kimiko

This ebook investigates the semantics and syntax-semantics interface of size structures, equivalent to (non-)split quantifiers and comparatives. The cross-linguistic research unearths that likely various buildings may be classified into sessions counting on whether or not they degree nominal or verbal predicates, and exhibits that the type debts for why sure buildings have definite features bearing on distributivity and single-event predicates. in the course of the ebook, specific emphasis is put on problems with compositionality.

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John-NOM cable-ACC yesterday three-centimeter buy-PAST OK length, *diameter (18) a. Hans hat [drei Zentimeter Kabel] Hans has [three centimeter cable] OK length, *diameter b. Kabel hat Hans drei Zentimeter cable has Hans three centimeter OK length, *diameter gekauft. bought gekauft. bought Presumably, when the MP three inches combines with cable, we should be able to obtain the following two readings: the reading that the length of cable is three inches and the reading that the diameter of cable is three inches.

43) ∀P ∀x,y∈DS[ [P(x) ∧ P(y)] → P(x∪Sy) ] It has been proposed by Krifka (1986, 1989, 1992, 1998) and pursued by Landman (1996, 2000) that the denotations of all thematic relations are cumulative, which Kratzer (forthcoming) refers to as the Cumulativity Universal. Cumulativity as a property of relations between individuals and events is defined in (44). 17 Let us examine a slightly modified example 17. Strictly speaking, neo-Davidsonian thematic roles are functions (see shortly below). The Cumulativity Universal concerns the denotation of simple predi- Classification in the verbal domain 29 taken from Kratzer (forthcoming): suppose that John dug a hole, Mary placed a tree in the hole, and Bill covered the roots with soil, and that the entire planting-a-tree event is the sum of these three subevents.

When a VP lacks a plural marker, there is no way of telling whether the VP is semantically pluralized by the covert *-operator. Put differently, a VP without a plural marker can always be understood as being semantically pluralized. An exception to this generalization is a telic VP that denotes a singleoccurrence event such as kill Peter: assuming that Peter may die only once, the killing-Peter event can occur only once. That is, the extension of kill 20. Just like mass NPs, minimal parts of atelic VPs are somewhat vague (see Rothstein 2004, for instance).

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