By Alain Guyomarch, Peter A. Hall, Jack Hayward, Howard Machin
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Extra resources for Developments in French Politics
The electorate is less ideologically rooted, and more volatile. Although the PCF and its trade union ally, the CGT, persist in trying to give industrial disputes a wider ideological significance, they are hampered by the fact that the PCF's own decline has been (more modestly) matched by that of the CGT, so that class conflict has largely moved off the agenda. Political argument, despite desperate attempts at infusing it with ideological passion, has become concerned with incrementally more or less rather than fundamental differences of kind.
Following the Stalinist model, the PCF managed the tour de force of sustaining a Soviet-style rigid surveillance of cultural orthodoxy in a country renowned for its independent-minded intellectual elites. With the assistance of prestigious but complaisant fellowtravellers, the PCF established a reign of intellectual terror, based on the premise that the patriotic party of the Resistance and of the working class could not be wrong. Alternative views were ignored or condemned out of a combination of cultural insularity and the discredit that Right-wing views suffered by association with the collaborationist and reactionary Vichy regime.
The Socialists are closest to presenting an image of themselves with which the plurality of the French population can identify. Let us consider the results of some opinion surveys which suggest that while the Left/Right split has been losing its bipolarising power, it nevertheless continues to have explanatory power. In 1985, when asked whether the dichotomy still held true, 49 per cent said it was out of date, 37 per cent still valid, with 14 per cent expressing no opinion. Those most inclined to consider the dichotomy dated were bigger business, managerial and professional people, as well as UDF voters, among whom the numbers reached 61 and 60 per cent respectively.