Constructing International Relations in the Arab World by Fred H. Lawson

By Fred H. Lawson

This booklet explores the emergence of an anarchic states-system within the twentieth-century Arab international. Following the cave in of the Ottoman Empire, Arab nationalist activities first thought of developing a unified neighborhood association to take the empire's position and current a standard entrance to outdoor powers. yet through the years varied Arab leaderships deserted this undertaking and as a substitute followed guidelines attribute of self-interested, territorially constrained states. In his clarification of this phenomenon, the writer shifts recognition clear of older debates in regards to the origins and improvement of Arab nationalism and analyzes as an alternative how diversified nationalist leaderships replaced the ways in which they carried on diplomatic and strategic family. He situates this shift within the context of influential sociological theories of kingdom formation, whereas displaying how hard work pursuits and different kinds of well known mobilization formed the origins of the local states-system.

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Are at the root of modern international relations. The Reformation was not Westphalia’s sole cause; long-term material trends contributed, too. ”72 Instead, those polities that experienced a profound societal crisis due to widespread popular acceptance of the religious doctrines championed by Martin Luther took up arms to promote or defend the principle of external sovereignty; the major Roman Catholic powers of the age did not. Two major problems undermine the utility of Philpott’s argument as an explanation for the emergence of Westphalian sovereignty in the Arab world.

Few if any compelling alternative explanations exist for why states-systems characterized by self-interested, territorially bounded polities take shape at some historical moments rather than others, or in some parts of the world but not elsewhere. 77 Such conceptual issues animate the reexamination of the emergence of Westphalian sovereignty in the Middle East that is offered here. Chapter One surveys the divergent historical trajectories whereby five major Arab countries adopted postures congruent with this distinctive form of interstate interaction: Egypt and Tunisia, where the transition took place comparatively early; Jordan and Iraq, where it occurred quite late; and Syria, where the shift happened in between.

132 Unlike earlier unity proposals, however, this one envisaged “the creation of a High Federal Council, with the chairmanship alternating between the two countries’ prime ministers; [the] development of ‘a single foreign policy’; and [a] consolidation of 38 Westphalian Sovereignty Comes to the Arab World diplomatic representation,” rather than comprehensive amalgamation. 134 But by this time, powerful actors in `Amman had begun to harbor serious misgivings about Arab unity in general and an immediate merger with Iraq in particular.

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