By Babette E. Bensoussan, Craig S. Fleisher
The Definitive How-To advisor for enterprise and aggressive Analysis
Transform uncooked information into compelling, actionable enterprise recommendations
Answer the questions executives ask—“What?” “So What?” and “Now What?”
Today’s 24 most useful innovations: easy methods to pick out them, the best way to use them
For everybody who plays research: managers, experts, practical experts, and strategists
A thoroughly new e-book through the authors of the preferred Strategic and aggressive research
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Extra resources for Business and Competitive Analysis: Effective Application of New and Classic Methods
The de jure possessor does not need to be the same person as the owner. Rights of possession determine by whom, when, where, how and to what degree commodities and assets can be used physically. The de jure possessor generally cannot, for example, sell or hypothecate the property. Nor can he transfer the property to fulfill claims arising from debt recovery actions. These abstract, legal and non-physical powers are generally reserved for the owner. In contrast, the rights arising from the ownership of (or title to) property provide the powers that form the basis of economic activity: (1) the burdening of property to back the creation of money in loan contracts against interest; (2) the hypothecation of property to obtain money as capital; (3) the transfer of title through sale or the transfer of possession through rental/lease agreements; and (4) the enforcement of contracts and rights against specific assets.
What he regards as property at a more advanced stage is merely transformed from 'common property' to individual or 'private property*. For Smith, profit and rent of land are the specific characteristics of private property and emerge as new sources of income along with wages, the latter assumed as a reproduction wage that has always existed: As soon as stock has accumulated in the hands of particular persons, some of them will naturally employ it in setting to work industrious people, whom they will supply with materials and subsistence, in order to make a profit by the sale of their work.
Neoclassical economics cannot, therefore, explain prices based on the ratio of marginal utilities, but has to assume that individuals adjust their relative marginal utilities in this optimization process based on predetermined relative prices (Heinsohn and Steiger 1996, 49; Stadermann and Steiger 2001b, 221-251). Neoclassical money, like classical money, is again a special good. In contrast to early classical economics, money is no longer equated with a precious metal, a produced good, but instead is an intrinsically valueless substance that remains outside the economic process (outside money).