By Rosemary Hollis
This authoritative e-book examines British coverage within the heart East, concentrating on how Britain’s reaction to September 11 – fairly the choice to hitch the united states invasion of Iraq – has affected its position and kinfolk within the quarter.
- Establishes what was once ‘new’ in regards to the New Labour strategy and rules in the direction of the center East and what replaced because of 11th of September and the ‘war on terror’
- Analyses intimately how the Blair executive dealt with the Iraq main issue, invasion and fallout, together with advancements in relatives with Iran
- Documents Britain’s ‘niche’ position within the center East peace method.
- Argues that hands revenues, exchange and finance bind Britain to the Arab Gulf states
- Traces Britain ’s involvement in US–regional safety preparations
Chapter 1 old history: phases within the dating (pages 5–29):
Chapter 2 New Labour Worldview and the center East (pages 30–49):
Chapter three New Labour: New Policy?Making strategy (pages 50–69):
Chapter four Britain's function within the Peace procedure: 1997–2001 (pages 70–85):
Chapter five the line to struggle in Iraq (pages 86–106):
Chapter 6 Reaping the Whirlwind: The Fallout from the Invasion of Iraq for British relatives around the heart East (pages 107–134):
Chapter 7 Realpolitik and the Peace method after Sept. 11 (pages 135–157):
Chapter eight nonetheless Flying the Flag: Britain and the Arab Gulf States (pages 158–178):
Chapter nine Conclusions (pages 179–184):
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Extra resources for Britain and the Middle East in the 9/11 Era
Having played the central role in the formation of the contemporary state system in the Middle East, Britain was also instrumental in the subsequent transition to US hegemony. By the time New Labour came to power, even though Britain’s imperial moment in the Middle East had passed, it was still very much engaged in regional politics and trade, albeit in the shadow of the Americans. As became apparent, the United States was the unchallenged architect of Gulf security, including ‘Dual Containment’ of both Iraq and Iran, and defence agreements with the Arab Gulf states (see Chapter 8).
The Conservative Party’s campaign slogan that year was to ‘put the Great back in Great Britain’ – through economic revitalization and a more assertive posture abroad. 60 The defence budget was increased. However, expenditure on the diplomatic service was reduced. 61 In the process commercial work became the most well-funded diplomatic function. 64 Safeguarding British (and Western) interests in the Persian Gulf was one of the stated objectives of the government’s out-of-NATO-area strategy, and the traditional concern with preventing Soviet expansion in the region intensified after 1979,65 the year of both the Iranian Revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
25 The vehicles for achieving this goal were to include the British Council and the BBC World Service. The role of the Department for International Development (DFID) – which soon assumed an importance to rival that of the FCO – was to concentrate on poverty alleviation and thence ‘good governance’. These objectives reflected both the ‘ethical dimension’ that Cook said he intended to give to British foreign policy and the notion that Britain’s influence could be enhanced through a ‘rebranding’ exercise to better represent it as ‘a force for good’ in the world, as discussed in Chapter 3.