By Doris Witt
focuses on debates which have been waged over the time period 'soul food'
since the tumultuous period of the past due 1960's and early 1970's.
BLACK starvation appears in particular at how the organization of African-
American ladies with nutrients has helped constitution twentieth-century
psychic, cultural, sociopolitical, and fiscal existence in America.
An organization that has blossomed right into a advanced internet of political,
religious, sexual and racial tensions among Blacks and whites,
and in the Black group itself.
Doris Witt makes use of vaudeville, literature, movie and cookbooks to
explore how nutrients has been used to perpetuate and problem racial
stereotypes. -- The RAWSISTAZ Reviewers
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Additional resources for Black Hunger: Soul Food And America
Focusing in Blackface, White Noise on a pairing he refers to as "Uncle Sammy and My Mammy" (the title of his first chapter), Rogin returns repeatedly to the famous image of a blacked-up Al Jolson (as Jack Robin, ne Jakie Rabinowitz) singing "My Mammy" to his Jewish mother at the end of The Jazz Singer (1927). "Blackface is grounded in mammy," according to Rogin, "since the nurturing figure that deprived black men and women of adult authority and sexuality gave white boys permission to play with their identities, to fool around" (13).
Furthermore, Aunt Jemima's creation also coincides with Ida B. 20 In fact, Wells's pamphlet The Reason Why the Colored American Is Not in the World's Columbian Exposition (1893) would have posed a striking ideological challenge to R. T. "21 As Patricia Turner succinctly observes, "Aunt Jemima's was the kind of face people wanted to remember; Ida B. Wells's was the kind they wanted to forget. And that is exactly what happened" (50). In short, we need to supplement awareness of the possible homoerotics of Aunt Jemima's "origins" among male performers on the minstrel and vaudeville stage with other modes of analyzing the investments of various social groups, including women, in Aunt Jemima iconography.
In this chapter I begin laying the groundwork for this argument by looking in greater detail at the multiple narratives that have been generated over the past century either to legitimate or to discredit the Aunt Jemima icon in a multiethnic, patriarchal, class-stratified country, including, in the last section of the chapter, the copious responses of black Americans. My research into the trademark's history has suggested that Aunt Jemima has functioned as a pivotal trope for African American women precisely because "she" has enabled members of so many other demographic groups to forge an identity for themselves in the United States.